CLEVELAND, Grover, twenty-second president of the United States, born in Caldwell, Essex County, New Jersey, 18 March, 1837. On the paternal side he is of English origin. Moses Cleveland immigrated from Ipswich, county of Suffolk, England, in 1635, and settled at Woburn, Massachusetts, where he died in 1701. His grandson was Aaron, whose son, Aaron, was great-great-grandfather of Grover. (See CLEVELAND, AARON.) The second Aaron's grandson, William, was a silversmith and watchmaker at Norwich, Connecticut His son, Richard Falley Clove-land, was graduated at Yale in 1824, was ordained to the Presbyterian ministry in 1829, and in the same year married Anne Neal, daughter of a Baltimore merchant of Irish birth. These two were the parents of Grover Cleveland. The Presbyterian parsonage at Caldwell, where Mr. Cleveland was born, was first occupied by the Rev. Stephen Grover, in whose honor the boy was named; but the first name was early dropped, and he has been known as Grover Cleveland. When he was four years old his father accepted a call to Fayetteville, near Syracuse, New York, where the son had an academy schooling, and afterward was a clerk in a country store. The removal of the family to Clinton, Oneida County, gave Grover additional educational advantages in the academy there. In his seventeenth year he became a clerk and an assistant teacher in the New York institution for the blind in New York City, in which his elder brother, William, an alumnus of Hamilton College, now a Presbyterian clergyman at Forest Port, New York, was then a teacher. In 1855 Grover left Holland Patent, in Oneida County, where his mother then resided, to go to the west in search of employment. On his way he stopped at Black Rock, now a part of Buffalo, and called on his uncle, Lewis F. Allen, who induced him to remain and aid him in the compilation of a volume of the "American Iterd-Book," receiving for six weeks' service $60. He afterward assisted in the preparation of several other volumes of this work, and the preface to the fifth volume (1861) acknowledges his services. In August, 1855, he secured a place as clerk and copyist for the law firm of Rogers, Bowen & Rogers, in Buffalo, began to read Blackstone, and in the autumn of that year was receiving four dollars a week for his work. He was admitted to the bar in 1859, but for three years longer he remained with the firm that first employed him, acting as managing clerk at a salary of $600, soon advanced to $1,000, a part of which he devoted to the support of his widowed mother, who died in 1882. He was appointed assistant district attorney of Erie County, 1 January, 1863, and held the office for three years. At this time strenuous efforts were making to bring the civil war to a close. Two of Cleveland's brothers were in the army, and his mother and sisters were dependent largely upon him for support. Unable to enlist, he borrowed money to send a substitute, and it was not till long after the war that he was able to repay the loan. In 1865, at the age of twenty-eight, he was the democratic candidate for district attorney, but was defeated by the republican candidate, his intimate friend, Lyman K. Bass. He then became a law partner of Isaac V. Vanderpool, and in 1869 became a member of the firm of Lanning, Cleveland & Folsom. He continued a successful practice till 1870, when he was elected sheriff of Erie county. At the expiration of his three-years' term he formed a law partnership with his personal friend and political antagonist, Lyman K. Bass, the firm being Bass, Cleveland & Bissell, and, after the forced retirement from failing health of Mr. Bass, Cleveland & Bissell. The firm was prosperous, and Cleveland attained high rank as a lawyer, noted for the simplicity and directness of his logic and expression and thorough mastery of his cases.

In the autumn of 1881 he was nominated democratic candidate for mayor of Buffalo, and was elected by a majority of 3,530, the largest ever given to a candidate in that city. In the same election the republican state ticket was carried in Buffalo by an average majority of over 1,600; but Cleveland had a partial republican, independent, and "reform" movement support. He entered upon the office, 1 January, 1882, and the following extract from his inaugural address was the key-note of his administration: "It seems to me that a successful and faithful administration of the govern-merit of our City may be accomplished by constantly bearing in mind that we are the trustees and agents of our fellow-citizens, holding their funds in sacred trust, to be expended for their benefit; that we should at all times be prepared to render an honest account of them, touching the manner of their expenditure; and that the affairs of the City should be conducted, as far as possible, upon the same principles as a good business man manages his private concerns."

He soon became known as the "veto mayor," using that prerogative fearlessly in checking unwise, illegal, or extravagant expenditure of the public money, and enforcing strict compliance with the requirements of the state constitution and the City charter. By vetoing extravagant appropriations he saved the City nearly $1,000,000 in the first six months of his administration. He opposed giving $500 of the tax-payers' money to the Firemen's benevolent society, on the ground that such appropriation was not permissible under the terms of the state constitution and the charter of the city. He vetoed a resolution diverting $500 from the fourth-of-July appropriation to the observance of decoration day for the same reason, and immediately subscribed one tenth of the sum wanted for the purpose. In brief, he vetoed every exorbitant or illegal appropriation. During his mayoralty the City celebrated the semi-centenary of its corporate existence. His admirable, impartial administration during his entire term of office won tributes to his integrity and ability from the press and the people irrespective of party. On the second day of the democratic state convention at Syracuse, 22 September, 1882, on the third ballot, by a vote of 211 out of 382, Grover Cleveland was nominated for governor, in opposition to Charles J. Folger, then secretary of the United States treasury, nominated for the same office three days before by the republican state convention at Saratoga. In his letter of acceptance two weeks afterward Mr. Cleveland wrote : "Public officers are the servants and agents of the people, to execute the laws which the people have made, and within the limits of a constitution which they have estab- lished We may, I think, reduce to quite sim- ple elements the duty which public servants owe, by constantly bearing in mind that they are put in place to protect the rights of the people, to answer their needs as they arise, and to expend for their benefit the money drawn from them by taxation."

In the canvass that followed, Cleveland had the advantage of a united Democratic Party, and in addition the support of the entire independent press of the state. The election in November was the most remarkable in the political annals of New York. Both gubernatorial candidates were men of character and of unimpeachable public record. Judge Folger had honorably filled high state and federal offices. But there was a wide-spread disaffection in the republican ranks largely due to the belief that the nomination of Folger (nowise obnoxious in itself) was accomplished by means of improper and fraudulent practices in the nominating convention and by the interference of the federal administration. What were called the "half-breeds" largely stayed away from the polls, and in a total vote of 918,894 Cleveland received a plurality of 192,854 over Folger, and a majority over all, including greenback, prohibition, and scattering, of 151,742.

On the last day of December he went to Albany, and on the day following, dispensing with the usual parade, he walked with a friend through the streets from the executive mansion to the capitol and took the oath of office. He entered upon his office, in the words of his inaugural address, "fully appreciating his relations to the people, and determined to serve them faithfully and well." The very beginning of his administration was marked by radical reforms in the executive chamber. Persons having business with the governor were immediately and informally admitted without running a gauntlet of clerks and door-keepers. Less rich than many former governors, with private means of not more than $50,000, Go v. Cleveland lived upon and within his official sMary, simply and unostentatiously, keeping no carriage, and daily walking to and from his duties at the capitol.

Among the salient acts of his administration were his approval of a bill to submit to the people a proposition to abolish contract labor in the prisons, and when so submitted the system was abolished by an overwhehning majority; his veto of a bill that permitted wide latitude in the invest-merits into which directors of savings banks might put deposits; and the veto of a similar bill allowing like latitude in the investment of securities of fire insurance companies. He vetoed a bill that was a bold effort to establish a monopoly by limiting the right to construct certain street railways to companies heretofore organized, to the exclusion of such as should hereafter obtain the consent of property-owners and local authorities. His much-criticised veto of the "five-cent-fare" bill, which proposed to reduce the rates of fare on the elevated roads in New York City from ten cents to five cents for all hours in the day, was simply and solely because he considered the enactment illegal and a breach of the plighted faith of the state. The general railroad law of 1850 provides for an examination by state officers into ithe earnings of railroads before the rates of fare can be reduced, and, as this imperative condition had not been complied with previous to the passage of the bill, he vetoed it. He vetoed the Buffalo fire department bill because he believed its provisions would prevent the "economical and efficient administration of an important department in a large city," and subject it to partisan and personal influences. In the second year of his administration he approved the bill enacting important reforms in the appointment and administration of certain local offices in New York city. His state administration was only an expansion of the fundamental principles that controlled his official action while mayor of Buffalo. In a letter written to his brother on the day of his election, he announced the policy he intended to adopt and afterward carried out, "that is, to make the matter a business engagement between the people of the state and myself, in which the obligation on my side is to perform the duties assigned me with an eye single to the interest of my employers."

The democratic national convention met at Chicago, 8 July, 1884. Three days were devoted to organization, •platform, and speeches in favor of candidates. In the evening of 10 July a vote was taken, in which, out of 820 votes, Grover Cleveland received 392. A two-third vote (557)was necessary to a nomination. On the following morning, in the first ballot, Cleveland received 683 votes, and, on motion of Thomas A. Hen-dricks (subsequently nominated for the vice-presidency), the vote was made unanimous. He was offiei'ally notified of his nomination by the convention committee at Albany, 29 July, and made a modest response, promising soon to signify in a more formal manner his acceptance of the nomination. Nearly three weeks later, while the governor was taking a brief vacation at Upper Saranac lake, he wrote and made public the following letter addressed to Col. William F. Vilas, chairman, and others"

ALBANY, New York, August 18, 1884.

GENTLEMEN; I have received your communication, dated 28 July, 1884, informing me of my nomination to the office of president of the United States by the democratic national convention lately assembled at Chicago.

I accept the nomination with a grateful appreciation of the supreme honor conferred, and a solemn sense of the responsibility which, in its acceptance, I assume.

I have carefully considered the platform adopted by the convention, and cordially approve the same. So plain a statement of democratic faith, and the principles upon which that party appeals to the suffrages of the people, needs no supplement or explanation.

It should be remembered that the office of president is essentially executive in its nature. The laws enacted by the legislative branch of the government the chief executive is bound faithfully to enforce. And when the wisdom of the political party which selects one of its members as

We proudly call ours a government by the people. It is not such when a class is tolerated which arrogates to itself the management of public affairs We proudly call ours a government by the people. It is not such when a class is tolerated which arrogates to itself the management of public affairs,

a nominee for that office has outlined its policy and declared its principles, it seems to me that nothing in the character of the office or the necessities of the case requires more from the candidate accepting such nomination than the suggestion of certain well-known truths, so absolutely vital to the safety and welfare of the nation that they can not be too often recalled or too seriously enforced.

We proudly call ours a government by the people. It is not such when a class is tolerated which arrogates to itself the management of public affairs, seeking to control the people instead of representing them.

Parties are the necessary outgrowth of our institutions, but a government is not by the people when one party fastens its control upon the country, and perpetuates its power by cajoling and betraying the people instead of serving them.

A government is not by the people when a result which should represent the intelligent will of free and thinking men is or can be determined by the shameless corruption of their suffrages.

When an election to office shall be the selection by the voters of one of their number to assume for a time a public trust, instead of his dedication to the profession of politics ; when the holders of the ballot, quickened by a sense of duty, shall avenge truth betrayed and pledges broken, and when the suffrage shall be altogether free and uncorrupted, the full realization of a government by the people will be at hand. And of the means to this end, not one would, in my judgment, be more effective than an amendment to the constitution disqualifying the president from re-election. When we consider the patronage of this great office, the allurements of power, the temptation to retain public place once gained, and, more than all, the availability a party finds in an incumbent whom a horde of office-holders, with a zeal born of benefits received, and fostered by the hope of favors yet to come, stand ready to aid with money and trained political service, we recognize in the eligibility of the president for re-election a most serious danger to that cahn, deliberate, and intelligent political action which must characterize a government by the people.

A true American sentiment recognizes the dignity of labor, and the fact that honor lies in honest toil. Contented labor is an element of national prosperity. Ability to work constitutes the capital and the wage of labor, the income of a vast number of our population, and this interest should be jealously protected. Our working-men are not asking unreasonable indulgence, but, as intelligent and manly citizens, they seek the same consideration which those demand who have other interests at stake. They should receive their full share of the care and attention of those who make and execute the laws, to the end that the wants and needs of the employers and the employed shall alike be subserved, and the prosperity of the country, the common heritage of both, be advanced. As related to this subject, while we should not discourage the immigration of those who come to acknowledge allegiance to our government, and add to our citizen population, yet, as a means of protection to our working-men, a different rule should prevail concerning those who, if they come or are brought to our land, do not intend to become Americans, but will injuriously compete with those justly entitled to our field of labor.

In a letter accepting the nomination to the office of governor, nearly two years ago, I made the following statement, to which I have steadily adhered:

"The laboring classes constitute the main part of our population. They should be protected in their efforts peaceably to assert their rights when endangered by aggregated capital, and all statutes on this subject should recognize the care of the state for honest toil, and be framed with a view of improving the condition of the working-man."

A proper regard for the welfare of the workingman being inseparably connected with the integrity of our institutions, none of our citizens are more interested than they in guarding against any corrupting influences which seek to pervert the beneficent purposes of our government, and none should be more watchful of the artful machinations of those who allure them to self-inflicted injury.

In a free country the curtailment of the absolute rights of the individual should only be such as is essential to the peace and good order of the community. The limit between the proper subjects of governmental control, and those which can be more fittingly left to the moral sense and self-imposed restraint of the citizen, should be carefully kept in view. Thus, laws unnecessarily interfering with the habits and customs of any of our people which are not offensive to the moral sentiments of the civilized world, and which are consistent with good citizenship and the public welfare, are unwise and vexatious.

The commerce of a nation to a great extent determines its supremacy. Cheap and easy transportation should therefore be liberally fostered. Within the limits of the constitution, the general government should so improve and protect its natural water-ways as will enable the producers of the country to reach a profitable market.

The people pay the wages of the public employes, and they are entitled to the fair and honest work which the money thus paid should command. It is the duty of those intrusted with the management of their affairs to see that such public service is forthcoming. The selection and retention of subordinates in government employment should depend upon their ascertained fitness and the value of their work, and they should be neither expected nor allowed to do questionable party service. The interests of the people will be better protected; the estimate of public labor and duty will be immensely improved; public employ-merit will be open to all who can demonstrate their fitness to enter it; the unseemly scramble for place under the government, with the consequent importunity which embitters official life, will cease ; and the public departments will not be filled with those who conceive it to be their first duty to aid the party to which they owe their places, instead of rendering patient and honest return to the people.

I believe that the public temper is such that the voters of the land are prepared to support the party which gives the best promise of administering the government in the honest, simple, and plain manner which is consistent with its character and purposes. They have learned that mystery and concealment in the management of their affairs cover tricks and betrayal. The statesmanship they require consists in honesty and frugality, a prompt response to the needs of the people as they arise, and the vigilant protection of all their varied interests.

If I should be called to the chief magistracy of the nation by the suffrages of my fellow-citizens, I will assume the duties of that high office with a solemn determination to dedicate every effort to the country's good, and with a humble reliance upon the favor and support of the Supreme Being, who I believe will always bless honest human endeavor in the conscientious discharge of public duty. GROVER CLEVELAND.

The canvass that followed was more remarkable for the discussion of the personal characters and qualifications of the candidates than for the prominent presentation of political issues. In the election (4 November) four candidates were in the field, viz. : Grover Cleveland, of New York, democratic ; James G. Blaine, of Maine, republican; Benjamin F. Butler, of Massachusetts, labor and greenback; John P. St. John, of Kansas, prohibition. Cleveland carried the states of Alabama, Arkansas, Connecticut, Delaware, Florida, Georgia, Indiana, Kentucky, Louisiana, Maryland, Mississippi, Missouri, New Jersey, New York, North Carolina, South Carolina, Tennessee, Texas, Virginia, and West. Virginia; Blaine carried California, Colorado, Illinois, Iowa, Kansas, Maine, Massachusetts, Michigan, Minnesota, Nebraska, Nevada, New Hampshire, Ohio, Oregon, Pennsylvania, Rhode Island, Vermont, and Wisconsin. Butler, none; St. John, none. In Iowa, Michigan, and Nebraska there was a fusion on the electoral ticket between the democrats and the greenbackers; hence the total vote counted for Cleveland in those states represents both the democratic and the greenback parties. In Missouri and West Virginia there was a fusion on the electoral ticket between the republicans and the greenbackers ; hence the total vote counted for Blaine in those states represents both the republican and the greenback parties. The total popular vote in the United States was 10,067,610, divided as follows:

The following table gives the electoral vote, which gave Cleveland a majority of 37.

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Late in December the executive committee of the Nation civil-service reform league addressed a letter to President-elect Cleveland, commending to his care the interests of civil-service reform. Mr. Cleveland's reply, dated 25 December, was as follows :"That a practical reform in the civil service is demanded is absolutely established by the fact that a statute, referred to in your communication, to secure such a result has been passed in congress, with the assent of both political parties; and by the further fact that a sentiment is generally prevalent among patriotic people calling for the fair and honest enforcement of the law which has been thus enacted. I regard myself pledged to this because my conception of true democratic faith and public duty requires that this and all other statutes should be in good faith and without evasion enforced, and because in many utterances made prior to my election as president, approved by the party to which I belong and which I have no disposition to disclaim, I have in effect promised the people that this should be done."I am not umnindful of the fact to which you refer, that many of our citizens fear that the recent party change in the national executive may demonstrate that the abuses which have grown up in the civil service are ineradicable. I know that they are deeply rooted, and that the spoils system has been supposed to be intimately related to success in the maintenance of party organization, and I am not sure that all those who profess to be the friends of this reform will stand firmly among its advocates when they find it obstructing their way to patronage and place. But, fully appreciating the trust committed to my charge, no such consideration shall cause a relaxation on my part; of an earnest effort to enforce this law."There is a class of government positions which are not within the letter of the civil-service statute, but which are so disconnected with the policy of an administration that the removal therefrom of present incumbents, in my opinion, should not be made during the terms for which they were appointed, solely on partisan grounds, and for the purpose of putting in their places those who are in political accord with the appointing power. But many now holding such positions have forfeited all just claim to retention, because they have used their places for party purposes in disregard of their duty to the people, and because, instead of being decent public servants, they have proved themselves offensive partisans and unscrupulous manipulators of local party management. The lessons of the past should be unlearned, and such officials, as well as their successors, should be taught that efficiency, fitness, and devotion to public duty are the conditions of their continuance in public place, and that the quiet and unobtrusive exercise of individual political rights is the reasonable measure of their party service."If I were addressing none but party friends, I should deem it entirely proper to remind them that, though the coming administration is to be democratic, due regard for the people's interest does not permit faithful party work to be always rewarded by appointment to "Office, and to say to them that, while democrats may expect all proper consideration, selections for office not embraced within the civil-service rules will be based upon sufficient inquiry as to fitness, instituted by those charged with that duty, rather than upon persistent importunity or self-solicited recommendations on behalf of candidates for appointment."

When the New York legislature assembled, 6 January, 1885, Mr. Cleveland resigned the governorship of the state, but he continued his residence in Albany. The time between his resignation as governor and his inauguration as president was occupied in receiving visits from many of the leading men in his party. On 27 February was published a letter of the president-elect in answer to one signed by several members of congress, in which he indicated his opposition to an increased coinage of silver, and suggested a suspension of the purchase and coinage of that metal as a measure of safety, in order to prevent a financial crisis, and the ultimate expulsion of gold by silver. His inaugural address was written during the ten days previous to his setting out for Washington. On the evening of Monday, 2 March, he took a special train on the New York and West Shore railroad, and, accompanied by his brother and two sisters, and Daniel Manning (subsequently appointed secretary of the treasury) and Col. Daniel S. Lament, his private secretary, arrived in Washington at seven o'clock the next morning, before it was generally known that he had left Albany. On the following day he went to the capitol in company with President Arthur, and, after the usual preliminaries had been completed, he delivered his inaugural address from the eastern steps of the capitol, in the presence of a vast concourse. At its conclusion the oath of office was administered by Chief-Justice Waite. At its close he entered the open carriage of ex-President Arthur, and was driven with him to the White House, where from a temporary platform he reviewed the inaugural parade, a procession numbering more than 100,000 men. In the address he urged the people of all parties to lay aside political animosities in order to sustain the government. He declared his approval of the Monroe doctrine as a guide in foreign relations, of strict economy in the administration of the finances, of the protection of the Indians, and their elevation to citizenship, of the security of the freed men in their rights, and of the laws against Mormon polygamy, and the importation of a servile class of foreign laborers. In respect to appointments to office he said that the people demand the application of business principles to public affairs, and said that the people have a right to protection from the incompetency of public employes, who hold their places solely as a reward for partisan service, and those who worthily seek public employment have a right to insist that merit and competency shall be recognized, instead of party subserviency, or the surrender of honest political belief. On the following day he sent to the senate the nominations for his cabinet officers as follows: Secretary of state, Thomas 17. Bayard, of Delaware; secretary of the treasury, Daniel Manning, of New York: secretary of war, William C. Endicott, of Massachusetts; secretary of the navy, William C. Whit-hey, of New York; postmaster-general, William F. Vilas, of Wisconsin; attorney general, Augustus H. Garland, of Arkansas; secretary of the interior, Lucius Q. C. Lamar, of Mississippi. The nominations were promptly confirmed. On 12 March, 1885, President Cleveland withdrew from the senate, which met in extra session to take action on appointments and other business connected with the new administration, the Spanish reciprocity and Nicaragua canal treaties, in order that they might be considered by the new executive. On 13 March he issued a proclamation announcing the intention of the government to remove from the Oklahoma country, in Indian territory, the white intruders who sought to settle there, which was done shortly afterward by a detachment of soldiers. The president announced in regard to official changes that, with the exception of heads of departments, foreign ministers, and other officers charged with the execution of the policy of the administration, no removals would take place except for cause. He thereby came into conflict with many influential members of his party, who advocated the speedy removal of republican office-holders and the appointment of democrats, in order to strengthen the party as a political organization. While that class of politicians objected to the slowness with which removals were made, and to the appointment of independents, and in a few instances republicans, the republicans and some of the civil-service reformers complained of other appointments as not being in accord with the professions of the president. "Offensive partisanship" was declared by the president to be a ground for removal, and numerous republican functionaries were displaced under that rule, while the term became a by-word. After the burning of Aspinwall by revolutionists on 31 March, 1885, the president ordered a naval expedition for the protection of Americans and their property, and the town was temporarily occupied by American marines, who restored and maintained order until the regular government resumed authority there. When disturbances threatened to break out between the Cheyennes and the Arapahoes in Indian territory, General Sheridan, at the request of Mr. Cleveland, visited that country in order to study the cause of the troubles. He reported that the threatened outbreak was the result of the occupation of Indian lands by cattle-owners who leased vast areas from the Indians at a merely nominal rental. The legal officers of the government decided that these leases were contrary to law and invalid. The president thereupon issued a proclamation warning all cattle companies and ranchmen to remove their herds from Indian territory within forty days. The owners of cattle represented to the president that the execution of this order would entail heavy losses, and that its fulfilment was physically impossible. He resisted their pleadings, and when they found him unyielding they hastily vacated the Indian lands without obliging the government to resort to forcible means. On 10 August another proclamation of the president warned cattle-graziers to remove all fences that they had placed on public lands, which decree was promptly obeyed. In his message at the opening of the first session of the 49th congress, on 8 December, 1885, President Cleveland recommended increased appropriations for the consular and diplomatic service, the abolition of duties on works of art, the reduction of the tariff on necessaries of life, the suspension of compulsory silver coinage, the improvement of the navy, the appointment of six general Indian commissioners, reform in the laws under which titles to the public lands are required from the government, more stringent laws for the suppression of polygamy in Utah, an act to prohibit the immigration of Mormons, the extension of the principle of civil-service reform, and an increase in the salaries of the commissioners, and the passage of a law to determine the order of presidential succession in the event of a vacancy. The senate, sitting in secret session for the consideration of the president's up- pointments, called for the papers on file in the departments relating to the causes for which certain officers had been removed. Upon the refusal of the president to submit the documents to their inspection, a dispute ensued, and threats were uttered by republican senators that no appointments should be confirmed unless their right to inspect papers on the official files were respected. On 1 March, 1886, Mr. Cleveland sent a long message to the senate, in which he took the ground that under the constitution the right of removal or suspension from office lay entirely within the competency and discretion of the president; that sections of the tenure-of-office act requiring him to report to the senate reasons for suspending officers had been repealed ; and that the papers that the senate demanded to see were not official, but were of a personal and private nature. Eventually the appointments of the president were ratified, with the exception of a few cases, where the persons nominated were notoriously Of unfit character. A democratic member of congress who had approved the application of a candidate for an office under the govern-merit, and afterward had expressed disapproval of the man's appointment, received an open letter from a resident Cleveland complaining of the insincerity of senators and representatives, on whose advice he must rely when he appointed local officers, in recommending for politic reasons persons whom they knew to be unfit for office. During the first fiscal year of Mr. Cleveland's administration 18 per cent of the postmasters throughout the country were removed or suspended, which is a somewhat larger proportion than in recent years; while in the departments at Washington eight clerks out of every hundred were removed.

On 2 March, after receiving representations from the Chinese government with reference to outrages on Chinamen at Rock Springs, in which the ground was taken that claims for compensation would hold as in the case of injuries inflicted upon American citizens in China, Mr. Cleveland sent to congress a message in which he affirmed that the United States were not bound, either by treaty or international law, to pay for the loss of life or property by Chinamen in the United States, yet recommended to the benevolent consideration of congress the question of voting an indemnity to the sufferers at Rock Springs or their families. When further anti-Chinese disturbances occurred at Portland, Oregon, and other places, he ordered out troops, and expressed his determination to protect the Chinese as far as lay within the power of the government.

In a message to congress, dated 22 April, 1886, the president recommended the creation of a commission of labor, to consist of three members, who should be permanent officers of the government, with authority, in connection with other duties, to consider and settle by arbitration, when called upon to do so by the interested parties, all disputes between laborers and capitalists concerning wages or employment.

In the presidency, as before in the governorship of New York, Mr. Cleveland has exercised the veto power beyond all precedent. Of 987 bills that passed both houses in the session that ended 5 August, 1886, 115 were vetoed. Of these, 102 were private pension bills, and six were bills for the erection of public buildings. Of the general measures that failed to receive his signature, the most important was the Morrison resolution requiring the secretary of the treasury to apply to the redemption of bonds any surplus in the treasury exceeding $100,000,000. The river-and-harbor bill, containing appropriations that many deemed useless and extravagant, but which the law does not permit the president to strike out in detail, and the bill taxing oleomargarine two cents a pound, which was criticised as an unjust discrimination against one class of producers for the benefit of another, were not vetoed. On signing the latter, the president sent a message to congress, in which he gave as his reason that the stamps required by the act would mark the character of the substance and prevent its being fraudulently sold. President Cleveland married, in the White House (see illustration, page 655), on 2 June, 1886, Frances Folsom, daughter of his deceased friend and partner, Oscar Folsom, of the Buffalo bar. Except the wife of Madison, Mrs. Cleveland is the youngest of the many mistresses of the White House, having been born in Buffalo, New York, in 1864.--His youngest sister, Rose Elizabeth, born in Fayetteville, New York, in 1846, removed in 1853 to Holland Patent, New York, where her father was settled as pastor of the Presbyterian church, and where he died the same year. She was educated at Houghton seminary, became a teacher in that school, and two years later assumed charge of the Collegiate institute in Lafayette, Indiana She taught for a time in a private school in Pennsylvania, and then prepared a course of historical lectures, which she delivered before the students of Houghton seminary. Her services as a lecturer were demanded in other schools. When not employed in this manner, she devoted herself to her age'd mother in the homestead at Holland Patent, New York, purchased with her own earnings, until her mother's death in 1882. After the inauguration of the president, she became the mistress of the White House. She has published a volume of lectures and essays under the title " George Eliot's Poetry, and other Studies" (New York, 1885), and "The Long Run,"a novel (1886). After her brother's marriage in 1886 she returned to Holland Patent, and assumed the editorship of "Literary Life." a magazine published in Chicago, but was dissatisfied with the conduct of the publisher, and resigned.