SAMUEL
ADAMS was born in Boston, Massachusetts on September 27, 1722, one of
the twelve children of Samuel and Mary Fifield Adams. The elder Samuel Adams was
a man of wealth and influence. He owned a large estate on Purchase Street, with
a noble mansion fronting the harbor, and it was here the younger Samuel Adams
was born. The father was always a leader, and it is from him that the younger
Samuel inherited the political tastes and aptitudes that were to make him the
most illustrious citizen that Massachusetts has ever produced.
Young Adams was educated first
at the Boston Latin School, then at Harvard College,
where he was graduated in 1740. Very little is known of his college life, except
that he was noted as a diligent student, fond of quoting Greek and Latin. In
1743, as a candidate for the master's degree, he chose as the subject for his
thesis the question, "Whether it be lawful to resist the supreme magistrate
if the commonwealth cannot otherwise be preserved". He answered this
question in the affirmative. History has not told us how this bold doctrine
affected Governor Shirley and the other officers of the crown who sat there on
commencement day listening to Adams thesis.
It was his father's wish that
Samuel would become a clergyman, but the son had no taste for theology and
preferred law. However, in those days, law was not considered a respectable
profession, and his mother made that fact know to Samuel many times over. After
a short time, Samuel yielded to his mother's objections to the law and he
entered the counting house of Thomas Cushing, who was a prominent merchant. At
twenty-one, Samuel won his first post as clerk of the market, a solid training
ground for a neophyte politician. Shortly thereafter, Samuel's father gave him
₤1,000 to set up a business for himself. Samuel lent half of his money to a
friend, who never returned it and lost the other half in bad deals. Samuel then
became a partner with his father in a brewery, but that business did not
prosper.
Around this time, his father
lost most of his fortune in a wildcat banking enterprise that helped shape young
Samuel's future. In 1690, Massachusetts had issued paper money with the
inevitable results. Coin was driven from circulation and there was a great
inflation of prices with frequent fluctuations. This led to complaints from
British merchants who were trading with Massachusetts, and the King ordered the
Governor to veto any further issue of paper money. A disagreement ensued between
the governor and the legislature and as the veto of the governor was inevitable,
two joint-stock banking companies were created to meet the emergency. One was
known as the "silver scheme", which was patronized chiefly by merchants.
It issued notes to be redeemed in silver at the end of ten years. The second,
which was known as the "manufactory scheme", issued notes redeemable in
products or goods after twenty years. It was with the latter scheme that Adams
father invested. There were 800 or so stockholders in the banking companies and
they not only controlled the Massachusetts legislature, but they also succeeded
in achieving Governor Belcher's removal in 1741. However, Britain won out in the
end. There was an Act of Parliament that extended to the colonies, an earlier
Act of George I, that forbade the incorporation of joint-stock companies with
more than six partners. The two Massachusetts banking companies were then
obliged to suspend operations and redeem their script. All of the partners of
the companies were held individually liable, and each was quickly ruined. The
wealth of the elder Adams melted away in a moment. Friends of the banking
companies denounced this Act of Parliament as a violation of the chartered
rights of the colony and they questioned the extent of the authority of
Parliament in America. So in a certain sense, Samuel Adams may be said to have
inherited his quarrel with the British government.
After the death of his father in
1748, Samuel carried on the brewery by himself and soon was made tax collector
for the town of Boston. As tax collector, he became personally acquainted with
everybody in Boston, and his qualities soon won for him great respect and
influence. He was an adroit political manager and he had courage and indomitable
perseverance. He had a genuine sympathy for men with leather aprons and hands
browned by toil – he knew how to win their confidence and he never abused it for
he was in no sense a demagogue. He was nothing like
John Hancock, Adams cared nothing for personal glory, to him the cause was
paramount and his most important activities were behind the scenes. In the town
meeting, he was a power, however, it was not until his forty-second year that
his great public career began.
In May 1764, he drafted the
instructions given by the town of Boston to its newly chosen representatives in
regard to Grenville's proposed Stamp Act. These
instructions were the first public protest in America against the right of
Parliament to tax the colonies. The next year, he was elected to the
legislature, where he remained until 1774, officiating as clerk of the house,
and drafting most of the remarkable state papers of that period of fierce
agitation. As clerk of the house, Adams had his eye on everything, and his hand
entered into numerous resolutions. On the passage of the Townshend Acts in 1767,
Adams wrote the petition of the Massachusetts legislature to the
King, the letter of instructions to their agent
in England, and the circular letter addressed to the other colonies, inviting
their aid in the defense of the common rights of Americans. This circular letter
especially enraged the King and he directed the governor to have the legislature
rescind the circular letter or face immediate dissolution. After several days'
discussion the legislature by a vote of 92 to 17 refused to rescind. This
obstinacy had much to do with the decision of the British government to send
troops to Boston in the hope of over-awing the people.
On the morning after the famous
Boston Massacre, Adams was appointed chairman
of a committee to communicate the votes of the town meeting to the governor and
council. More than 5,000 people were present at the town meeting, which was held
in the Old South Meetinghouse. All the neighboring streets were
crowded. Lieutenant Governor Hutchinson, with the council and Colonel Dalrymple,
the commander of the two British regiments, sat in the Old State House at the
head of King Street. When Adams presented the demand of the town meeting--that
the soldiers should be removed to the castle in the harbor-- Hutchinson at first
disclaimed any authority in the matter. Adams reminded him that as acting
governor of Massachusetts he was commander in chief of all troops within the
province. Hutchinson consulted awhile with Dalrymple, and at length replied that
the colonel was willing to remove one of the regiments in order to appease the
indignation of the people. The committee, led by Adams, returned to the
Meetinghouse with this message, and as they proceeded through the crowded
streets, Adams, bowing to the right an left, passed along the watchword,
"Both regiments or none!" When the question was put to the vote 5,000 voices
shouted "Both regiments or none!" Armed with this ultimatum, Adams
returned to the State House and warned Hutchinson that if he failed to remove
both regiments before nightfall, he did so at his peril. Hutchinson was as brave
and as obstinate as Adams, but two regiments were powerless in the presence of
the angry crowd that filled Boston and before sunset they were removed to the
castle. These troops were ever afterward known in Parliament as the "Sam
Adams regiments."
In 1772, the British government
went a step further than anything it had yet done toward driving Massachusetts
into rebellion. It was ordered that the judges, holding their offices at the
Kings pleasure, should be paid by the British crown and not by the colony. This
act, which was aimed directly at the independence of the judiciary, aroused
intense indignation. The judges were threatened with impeachment if they should
dare to accept a penny from the crown. The people of Boston, in a town meeting,
asked Hutchinson to convene the legislature to decide what should be done about
the judges' salaries. When Hutchinson refused, Adams proposed that all the towns
of Massachusetts should appoint "committees of correspondence" to consult
with each other about their common welfare. Such a step was legal, but it
virtually created a revolutionary legislative body, about which the governor
could do nothing. Within a few months eighty towns had chosen their committees
of correspondence, and the system was in full operation. Hutchinson at first
scoffed at it, for he did not see where it was leading. The next spring, Dabney
Carr of Virginia moved that inter-colonial committees of correspondence should
be formed, and this was soon done. Only one more step was needed. It was
necessary that the inter-colonial committees assemble in one place. They would
be a continental congress speaking in the name of the united colonies and if
need be, supersede the royal government. By such stages the revolutionary
government that declared the independence of the United States was formed. It
administered the affairs of the new nation until 1789. It was Samuel Adams who
took the first step toward its construction, although the idea had been first
suggested in 1765 by the great preacher Jonathan Mayhew.
Samuel Adams was the first
American statesman to come to the conclusion that independence was the only
remedy for the troubles of the colonies. Since 1768 he acted upon this
conviction without publicly avowing it. When the British closed Boston harbor
and annulled the charter of Massachusetts in response to the
Boston Tea Party, all the colonies became
alarmed. Through the inter-colonial committees of correspondence, Massachusetts
was invited to take the lead in assembling the first meeting of the continental
congress. Samuel Adams managed this work with his accustomed shrewdness and
daring. When the legislature met at Salem on June 17, 1774, in conformity with
the new Acts of Parliament, he locked the door, put the key into his pocket and
carried through the measures for assembling a congress at Philadelphia in
September. A Tory member, feigning sudden illness, was allowed to go out and ran
straight to the governor with the news. The governor lost no time in drawing up
a writ dissolving the legislature, but when his clerk reached the hall he found
the door locked and could not serve the writ. When the business was accomplished
the legislature adjourned. It was the last Massachusetts legislature assembled
in obedience to the sovereign authority of Great Britain.
Adams and his cousin
John Adams were delegates to the first continental
congress. For the next nine years, Samuel Adams took an active and important
part in the work of the congress. Probably no other man did so much as he did to
bring about the declaration of
independence. He "stirred men's souls", he dared when others
teetered, he inspired when others weakened. He continued to serve in Congress
until the war was nearing its end. He held local offices in Massachusetts and
succeeded John Hancock as governor.
Samuel Adams died in Boston in
1803 at the age of eighty-one. He was twice married: first to Elizabeth Checkley,
by whom he had a son and daughter and some years after the death of his first
wife, he wed Elizabeth Wells.
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Samuel Adams
Edited Appleton's Version
ADAMS, Samuel, born in
Boston, Massachusetts, 27 September 1722; died there, 2 October 1803. Among the
grandsons of Henry Adams, the emigrant from Devonshire, were Joseph Adams, of
Braintree, and John Adams, of Boston, a sea captain. The former was grandfather
of President John Adams; the latter was grandfather of Samuel Adams, the
statesman. The second son of Captain John Adams, born 6 May 1689, was named
Samuel, and in 1713 married Mary Fifield. Of their twelve children, only two,
besides the illustrious Samuel, survived their father. The elder Samuel Adams
was a man of wealth and influence, tie owned a large estate on Purchase Street,
with a noble mansion fronting on the harbor, and here the younger Samuel Adams
was born. The father was always a leader. He was justice of the peace, deacon of
the old South Church, selectman, and member of the legislature, where he made
himself prominent in the quarrels with Governor Shute. About 1724, in company
with some friends, mostly sea captains, shipwrights, and persons otherwise
connected with the shipping interest, which was then very powerful, he founded a
political club designed "to lay plans for introducing certain persons into
places of trust and power." This institution was known as the "caulkers' club,"
whence the term "CAUCUS" is supposed to have been derived.
It was evidently from his father that the younger Samuel inherited the
political tastes and aptitudes which, displayed amid the grand events of the
revolution, were to make him on the whole the most illustrious citizen that
Massachusetts has ever produced. Young Adams was educated first at the Boston
Latin School, then at Harvard College, where he was graduated in 1740. Very
little is known of his College life, except that he was noted as a diligent
student. He was fond of quoting Greek and Latin, after the pedantic fashion of
the time. In 1743, being then twenty-one years of age and a candidate for the
master's degree, he chose as the subject for his Latin thesis the question,
"Whether it be lawful to resist the supreme magistrate if the commonwealth
cannot otherwise be preserved"; and this question he answered in the
affirmative. History has not told us how this bold doctrine affected Governor
Shirley and the other officers of the crown who sat there on commence merit day
and listened to it. It was the wish of the elder Samuel that his son should
become a clergyman, but the son had no taste for theology and preferred the law.
In those days, however, the law was hardly considered a respectable
profession by old-fashioned New Englanders; and after a short time Samuel
yielded to his mother's objections and entered the counting house of Thomas
Cushing, a prominent merchant, father of an eminent revolutionary leader.
Shortly afterward his father gave him £1,000 with which to set up in business
for himself. He lent half of this to a friend, who never returned it, and lost
the other half in bad bargains. Then he became partner with his father in a
brewery, but the business did not prosper. About this time the father lost the
greater part of his fortune in a wildcat banking enterprise.
In 1690, at the time of the disastrous expedition of Sir William Phips
against Quebec, Massachusetts had issued paper money, with the inevitable
results. Coin was driven from circulation, and there was a great inflation of
prices, with frequent and disastrous fluctuations. This led to complaints from
British merchants trading to Massachusetts, and the governor was ordered by the
board of trade to veto any further issue. A quarrel ensued between the governor
and the legislature, and, as the governor proved inexorable, two joint-stock
banking companies were devised to meet the emergency. The one known as the
"silver scheme," and patronized chiefly by merchants, undertook to issue
£110,000 in notes, to be redeemed in silver at the end of ten years; the other,
which was known as the land bank, or "manufactory scheme," undertook to issue
£150,000, redeemable in produce after twenty years. It was with the latter
scheme that Mr. Adams's father was connected. There were 800 stockholders, and
they not only controlled the Massachusetts legislature, but also succeeded in
compassing Governor Belcher's removal.
Their plans were nipped in the bud, however, by an act of parliament
extending to the colonies an act of the reign of George I forbidding the
incorporation of joint-stock companies with more than six partners. The two
Massachusetts companies were thus obliged to suspend operations and redeem their
scrip; and, as the partners were held individually liable, they were quickly
ruined. Thus the wealth" of the elder Adams melted away in a moment. The friends
of the bank denounced this act of parliament as a violation of the chartered
rights of the colony; and the question as to the extent of the authority of
parliament in America began to be agitated. So in a certain sense Samuel Adams
may be said to have inherited his quarrel with the British government.
After the death of his father in 1748 he carried on the brewery by himself,
and obtained from his political enemies the nickname of "Sammy the maltster."
Presently, when he was made tax collector for the town of Boston, these wits
devised for him the epithet of "Sammy the publican." His office made him
personally acquainted with everybody in Boston, and his qualities soon won for
him great influence. He had all the courage and indomitable perseverance of his
cousin, John Adams, but without his bluntness of manner. As an adroit political
manager he was not surpassed by Jefferson, whom he resembled in his thorough
going democracy. He had a genuine sympathy for men with leather aprons and hands
browned by toil; he knew how to win their confidence, and never abused it, for
he was in no sense a demagogue. In the town meeting he soon became a power, yet
it was not until his forty-second year that his great public career began.
In May 1764, he drafted the instructions given by the town of Boston to its
newly chosen representatives with reference to Greenville's proposed stamp act.
These instructions were the first public protest in America against the right of
parliament to tax the colonies. Next year he was himself elected to the
legislature, where he remained till 1774, officiating as clerk of the house, and
drafting most of the remarkable state papers of that period of fierce agitation.
In the controversies first with Governor Bernard, then with his successor,
Hutchinson, Samuel Adams was always fore most. On the passage of the Townsend
acts in 1767, Adams wrote the petition of the Massachusetts legislature to the
king, the letter of instructions to their agent in England, and the circular
letter addressed to the other colonies, inviting their aid in the defense of the
common rights of Americans.
This circular letter especially enraged the king, and Governor Bernard was
directed to order the legislature to rescind it under penalty of instant
dissolution. After several days' discussion the legislature, by a vote of 92 to
17, refused to rescind. This obstinacy had much to do with the decision of the
British government to send troops to Boston in the hope of overawing the people
of that town. On the morning after the famous "Massachusetts Massacre" of 5
March 1770, Mr. Adams was appointed chairman of a committee to communicate the
votes of the town meeting to the governor and council. More than 5,000 persons
were present at the town meeting, which was held in the old South meetinghouse,
and all the neighboring streets were crowded. Lieut.-Governor Hutchinson, with
the council, and Colonel Dalrymple, commander of the two regiments, sat in the
old state-house at the head of King street.
When Adams presented the demand of the town meeting that the soldiers should
be removed to the castle in the harbor, Hutchinson at first disclaimed any
authority in the matter; but Adams reminded him that as acting governor of
Massachusetts he was commander-in-chief of all troops within the province.
Hutchinson consulted a while with Dalrymple, and at length replied that the
colonel was willing to remove one of the regiments in order to appease the
indignation of the people. The committee, led by Adams, returned to the Church
with this message, and as they proceeded through the crowded street, Adams,
bowing to right and left, passed along the watchword, "Both regiments or none !"
When the question was put to vote in the Church, 5,000 voices shouted, "Both
regiments or none!" Armed with this ultimatum, Adams returned to the state house
and warned Hutchinson that if he failed to remove both regiments before
nightfall he did so at his peril. Hutchinson was as brave and as obstinate as
Adams, but two regiments were powerless in presence of the angry crowd that
filled Boston, and before sunset they were removed to the castle. These troops
were ever afterward known in parliament as the "Sam Adams regiments."
In 1772 the government ventured upon a step that went further than anything
that had yet been done toward driving Massachusetts into rebellion. It was
ordered that the judges, holding their offices at the king's pleasure, should
henceforth be paid by the crown and not by the colony. This act, which aimed
directly at the independence of the judiciary, aroused intense indignation. The
judges were threatened with impeachment if they should dare to accept a penny
from the crown. Mr. Adams now had recourse to a measure that organized the
American Revolution. The people of Boston, in town meeting, asked Hutchinson to
convene the legislature to decide what should be done about the judges'
salaries. On his refusal, Adams proposed that the towns of Massachusetts should
appoint "committees of correspondence" to consult with each other about the
common welfare. Such a step was strictly legal, but it virtually created a
revolutionary legislative body, which the governor could neither negate,
dissolve, nor prorogue.
Within a few months eighty towns had chosen their committees of
correspondence, and the system was in full operation. Hutchinson at first
scoffed at it, for he did not see to what it was leading. The next spring Dabney
Carr, of Virginia, moved that intercolonial committees of correspondence should
be formed, and this was soon done. But one more step was needed. It was only
necessary that the intercolonial committees should assemble in one place, and
there would be a continental congress speaking in the name of the united
colonies, and, if need be, superseding the royal governments. By such stages was
formed the revolutionary government that declared the independence of the United
States and administered the affairs of the new nation until 1789.
It was Samuel Adams who took the first step toward its construction, though
the idea had been first suggested in 1765 by the great preacher Jonathan Mayhew.
In order to provoke the colonies to assemble in a continental congress, it was
only necessary that the British government should take the aggressive upon some
issue in which all the colonies were equally interested. The sending of the
tea-ships in 1773 was such an act of aggression, and forced the issue upon the
colonists. The management of this delicate and difficult affair, down to the day
when Massachusetts virtually declared war by throwing the tea into the harbor,
was entirely in the hands of the committees of correspondence of Boston and five
neighboring towns, with the expressed consent of the other Massachusetts
committees and the general approval of the country. In this bold act of defiance
Samuel Adams was front first to last the leading spirit. He had been the first
of American statesmen to come to the conclusion that independence was the only
remedy for the troubles of the time; and since 1768 he had acted upon this
conviction without publicly avowing it. The "Boston Tea Party " made war
inevitable. In April 1774, parliament retorted with the acts for closing the
port of Boston and annulling the charter of Massachusetts. This alarmed all the
colonies, and led to the first meeting of the continental congress. In this
matter the other colonies invited Massachusetts to take the lead, and Mr. Adams
managed the work with his accustomed shrewdness and daring. When the legislature
met at Salem, 17 June 1774, in conformity to the new acts of parliament, he
locked the door, put the key into his pocket, and carried through the measures
for assembling a congress at Philadelphia in September. A Tory member, feigning
sudden illness, was allowed to go out, and ran straight to the governor with the
news. The governor lost no time in drawing up the writ dissolving the
legislature, but when his clerk reached the hall he found the door locked and
could not serve the writ. When the business was accomplished the legislature
adjourned sine die. It was the last Massachusetts legislature assembled in
obedience to the sovereign authority of Great Britain. The acts of April were
henceforth entirely disregarded in Massachusetts.
Samuel Adams and his cousin John were delegates to the first continental
congress. They knew that Massachusetts was somewhat dreaded and distrusted by
the other colonies, especially by Pennsylvania and New York, on account of her
forwardness in opposing the British government. While there was genuine sympathy
with her situation, there was at the same time great reluctance to bringing on a
war. The rigid Puritanism of Massachusetts was also held in disrepute. Samuel
Adams felt it necessary to be conciliatory, and it was easy for him to be so,
for he was large-minded and full of tact. A motion to open the proceedings of
the congress with prayer was opposed by John Jay, on the ground that
Episcopalians, Congregationalists, Presbyterians, Baptists, and Quakers could
hardly be expected to unite in formal worship. Then Samuel Adams got up and
said, with perfect sincerity, "He was no bigot and could hear a prayer from a
gentleman of piety and virtue who was at the same time a friend to his country.
He was a stranger in Philadelphia, but he had heard that Mr. Duche deserved that
character, and therefore he moved that Mr. Duche, an Episcopal clergyman, might
be desired to read prayers to the congress." This was a politic move, for it
pleased the Episcopalians, who were the dominant sect in New York, Virginia, and
South Carolina; and it produced an excellent impression in Philadelphia, where
Duche was the most popular preacher of the day. It was thought that the men of
New England were not so stiff-necked as had been generally supposed, and there
was a reaction of feeling in their favor.
Toward the end of the following winter General Gage received peremptory
orders from the ministry to arrest Samuel Adams and "his willing and ready tool"
John Hancock, and send them over to London to be tried for high treason. A
London newspaper predicted that their heads would soon be exposed on Temple Bar.
It was intended to seize them at Lexington on the morning of 19 April but,
forewarned by Paul Revere, they escaped to Woburn and made their way to
Philadelphia in time for the second session of the continental congress. For the
next eight years Mr. Adams took an active and important part in the work of the
congress. Probably no other man did so much as he to bring about the declaration
of independence. He had a considerable share in framing the state constitution
of Massachusetts adopted in 1780. After the close of the war he opposed the
strengthening of the federal government, through fear of erecting a tyranny that
might swallow up the local governments.
Like Patrick Henry, R. H. Lee, and others who had been foremost in urging on
the revolution, he was ranked among the anti-federalists. Unlike the two
Virginians just mentioned, however, he did not actively oppose the new
constitution of 1787. In the Massachusetts convention of 1788, for considering
the federal constitution, he was by far the most influential member. For two
weeks he sat in silence listening to the arguments of other members. Then he
decided to support the constitution and urge its ratification unconditionally,
but with a general understanding that Massachusetts would submit to the new
congress sundry amendments equivalent in effect to a bill of rights. His
decision carried the convention in favor of ratification by the narrow majority
of 187 yeas to 168 nays. But for this ratification on the part of Massachusetts
the constitution would not have been adopted, and of all the great services
rendered by Samuel Adams to his country none was greater than this.
The example of Massachusetts in proposing amendments was followed by other
states, and it was thus that the first ten amendments, declared in force 15
December 1791, originated. In 1789 Mr. Adams was chosen lieutenant governor of
Massachusetts, Hancock being governor. There were many who urged his claims for
the vice-presidency under Washington, but the preference was given to his cousin
as snore fully in sympathy with the Federalist Party. He was chosen governor of
Massachusetts in 1794, and served in that capacity till 1797. His political
opinions resembled those of Jefferson. His last years were spent in his house on
Winter Street, Boston, as he had been obliged to part with his paternal mansion
on Purchase Street.
His personal appearance is thus described by Mr. Wells: "His stature was a
little above the medium height. He wore a tie-wig, cocked hat, buckled shoes,
knee breeches, and a red cloak, and held himself very erect, with the ease and
address of a polite gentleman. On stopping to speak with any person in the
street his salutation was formal yet cordial. His gestures were animated, and in
conversation there was a slight tremulous motion of the head. His complexion was
florid, and his eyes dark blue. The eyebrows were heavy, almost to bushiness,
and contrasted remarkably with the clear forehead, which, at the age of seventy,
had but few wrinkles. The face had a benignant but careworn expression, blended
with a native dignity (some have said majesty) of countenance which never failed
to impress strangers." In conversation he was entertaining, and possessed a
great fund of anecdote. He was frugal, temperate, and incorruptible. His
capacity for work, as seems to have been the case with all of his illustrious
family, was prodigious. In religion, unlike his cousin John, he was a strict
Calvinist.
He was twice married, first in 1749 to Elizabeth Checkley, daughter of the
pastor of the new South Church. She died m 1757, and in 1764 he married
Elizabeth Wells, daughter of an English merchant who had settled in Boston in
1723. His only son, Samuel, was graduated at Harvard College in 1771, studied
medicine with the famous Dr. Joseph Warren, served as surgeon in the army
throughout the war, and thereby ruined his health and died in 1788. Samuel Adams
left only female descendants. An excellent statue of him in bronze, by Miss
Whitney, stands in Dock Square, and his portrait by Copley hangs in Faneuil
hall. His life has been written by W. V. Wells, "Life and Public Services of
Samuel Adams" (3 vols., Boston, 1865), and by J. K. Hosmer, "Samuel Adams"
(Boston, 1885).
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